Challenging Unconscious Assumptions

Challenging Unconscious Assumptions
When is a paper clip not a paper clip? When you straighten it out to solve a
problem requiring a piece of wire. When is an engineer not an engineer? When
she is an anthropologist, visiting a customer’s home to understand when, why,
and how a product is being used. We think of tools and people in certain roles
and have trouble reconceiving those roles. The human mind is extremely
susceptible to routine thinking. It is efficient not to question the way we
interact with our surroundings. If we stopped to think about it before we sat
in a chair, if we did not assume that our medications were uncontaminated, if
we did not expect an accountant to give us different information than the
house painter—if we did not make hundreds of unconscious assumptions every
hour, we would be virtually paralyzed. The trouble is, those assumptions can
also keep us from thinking creatively, either individually or as a group. Shared
assumptions are a form of convergent thinking. Yet if we can free just a few
strands of the mental bonds in our minds connecting persons or objects with
their function, we open up new possibilities. Why have you scoured the house
for a screwdriver when a dime would do the trick? Well, because a dime is
supposed to be used to buy a piece of ‘penny’ candy—not as a tool. Sometimes

simply alerting group members to their own susceptibility helps them develop
the ability to question their own assumptions. Asking some basic questions can
lead the discussion in new directions:
• What are our assumptions here? Are they the only valid ones?
• Are there different ways of viewing this situation, for example, from someone
else’s perspective?
The examples in ‘Obstacles to Creative Thinking’ illustrate three factors to
which we are particularly vulnerable:
1. Functional fixedness refers to our inhibition to free ourselves from the expectations
of how something (or someone) normally functions. Boxes are
containers, not platforms, so we are slow to think of emptying a matchbox
to attach to the wall. When we rely on our past experiences of how things
are used, we often get stuck, unable to break out of old-drinking habits.
2. Fixation is similar: our mental wheels are stuck in the mud of approaching a
problem from the ‘obvious’ direction. (When a problem is presented in two
dimensions, we naturally try to solve it in two.)
3. The confirmation bias refers to our tendency to seek support for our
convictions, and reluctance to either look for or accept contrary evidence.
(‘I’m such a good judge of character. Almost all the people I’ve promoted
have worked out fine.’ Yes, but how about all the people you didn’t promote?
Maybe they worked out fine elsewhere within or outside the organization as
well.)

哲学丫

    看了看课程介绍,2006年开始,哲学才成了我们院的master的必修课。最近看这些书看得是头大如斗。从philosophy of science, 到knowledge management,一本本极其抽象的文字描述的书看得人精神有些分裂了。
    西方人的哲学看不懂,因为彼此互相口诛笔伐,但是也许老师的目的只是想要我们学到哲人的思维吧。但是,似乎有点儿难。popper,kuhn两大巨头,打得不亦乐乎。马克思的唯物史观被称为实证主义,popper的demarcation 更是把达尔文的进化论归类为非科学,因为无法对未来做出预测。无法预测物种进化的方向,他用到了一个词tautology.翻译成中文就是废话的意思,或者说是事后诸葛亮。
    哲学的论文痛苦的是要从书本中引用至少5处,唉。
    自认为马哲学得还不错,但是开了一扇全新的窗户的时候,有些陌生的感觉。
   

梦醒

    活在半梦半醒间啊。。。
    上午electrum看书,1点多小咪了一会儿,似乎就没醒过了。。
    3点钟的seminar,之前去了趟图书馆,又在某地呆了一阵子。上课的时候一摸口袋,钱包不见了。于是搜索,幸运地在图书馆某台计算机旁边儿找到了。又过了一阵子,要喝水,发现水壶不见了,上礼拜刚丢一个,于是又搜索,在图书馆另一个角落找到,上课进进出出好几回,寻找失落的东西,服了服了。还是回家睡会儿好了。
   

下不过电死

    读了一篇关于破解RFID tag安全防线的文章,大体的方法是这样,reader发出的频率或者验证信息不对的时候,RFID tag上功耗回避正确的时候大,用穷举法加上功率探测器就能破解RFID的保护。基本的原理似乎挺简单的。
    忽然想起来小时候听过的那个故事,一台苏联的电脑和某位著名的国际象棋大师下棋,因为下不过大师,放电把“大师”给电死了。小时候听到的解释是因为电脑发怒了。。。然后进行一大堆玄幻的探讨,俨然就是迷信嘛。现在恍然觉得这是淡逼的,除非在写程序的时候就加入下不过电死他的指令,什么电脑发怒,妈的骗小孩儿也不用这样。还有一个可能性或许就像RFID的破解过程,功耗太大,键盘设计不合理,漏电致死。当然这是在那位“大师”真的死了的前提下做出的假设。
   为何会忽然想起这种无聊的问题,刚刚听knowledge management的老师在台上讲人类下棋不可能赢得过电脑,忽然间想到了小时候读过的这个故事,嘿。

    God damn fucking papers!!!
    在自己家里暴暴粗口应该不犯法吧,不会出什么粗口门事件吧。
    看数学老子可以看上一整天,可是写论文完全不是这么回事儿啊,似乎总是一会儿的时间就思维枯竭,折磨人啊。
    下了几个巴赫的曲子,硬盘又开始告急,忍痛删了好多东西。脑子里回响着勃兰登堡的激荡,世人都称赞巴赫的cantata,我却总听不惯,还是交响乐听着给劲。
    Fuck off,I don’t wanna give a damn about anything now. what I need is fucking rock & roll.
   

    又有点儿期末综合症。到快要考试的时候,明明就很多事情要做,可是总是懒懒的什么都不想干,什么电影都觉得好看,哈。
    昨儿吧chuck搞定,不是lucky chuck,哈,是超市chuck。
    晚上闲来有事,传了一大大坨照片,贺兰山的图实在没体力搞了,就随便一传啦,哈,还有大量未传。
    好好学习好好学习。。

nb

    应对科索沃独立,北京的手段很高明,很高明。
    那厢tw示好,却是热脸贴冷屁股,interesting,interesting^_^。
    不得不说,新政府外交手段及其高明。当我这个蚁民还在担心这个dilemma如何解决,没想到耍了如此高明的一招,敬仰景仰-_-
    btw,今天原油期货终于突破100美刀了,唉。

sick

    终于病啦,到瑞典来第一次吃药。不过似乎无甚效果,声音哑得唱不出歌了,感觉就像破了的锣什么的。
    依然在忙,但是效率不高,加油先。

independence of kosovo

虽然很忙,大事,还是需要写写、
 
科索沃独立。其背后的大国之间的博弈以及对台湾的影响我无法做出过多猜测和判断,但是很值得思考。把一些看到的信息po上来吧。
 

"We, the democratically elected leaders of our people, hereby declare Kosovo to be an independent and sovereign state. This declaration reflects the will of our people and it is in full accordance with the recommendations of UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari and his Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement.We declare Kosovo to be a democratic, secular and multiethnic republic, guided by the principles of non-discrimination and equal protection under the law."

The declaration of independence was made by members of the Kosovo Assembly meeting in Pristina, the capital of Kosovo, on 17 Feb,2008. It was approved by a show of hands, with no votes of opposition from the 109 members present.

值得关心的不仅是事件本身,各方的关注更值得玩味。

首先看自己人的反应,科索沃和塞尔维亚人的反应。先说科索沃地区的demography。Albanian majority is now estimated to constitute 90% of Kosovo’s population。剩余的10%是塞尔维亚人。阿尔巴尼亚族人以及邻国阿尔巴尼亚人欢呼雀跃,而塞尔维亚人却极其不爽,总理发表讲话这辈子都不承认这件事情(通俗说法)。

States planning to recognise Kosovo
 Australia, Belgium, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Panama, Poland, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States,当然还有我们的小小台湾。顺便剪一段“发言人”的话:’We congratulate the Kosovo people on their winning independence and hope they enjoy the fruits of democracy and freedom,’ Phoebe Yeh, acting spokeswoman of the Foreign Ministry said.

States planning to not recognise Kosovo

 Albania Bosnia and Herzegovina, People’s Republic of China, Cyprus, Georgia, Greece, Indonesia, Romania,Russia, Serbia, Slovakia, South Africa, Spain, Sri Lanka, Vietnam.大多数国家的反应都不奇怪,有传统利益所在的,有分裂担忧的。西班牙是其中一个少有的传统西方国家,因为加泰罗尼亚地区也一直叫唤着要独立。政治从来都是功利的,呵。

中立的国家就不说了,但是还是关注一下瑞典的态度好了,呵呵。来自http://www.huliq.com/50555/no-immediate-kosovo-recognition,Sweden said it will not be one of the first EU countries to recognise Kosovo。个人认为这是明智的态度。

其实中国也未明确表明态度,至少我在国内各大网站未见什么官方的报道,新华网倒是贴了各方的态度,但是独缺中国。而且评论性的文章基本没有。但是西方基于一贯立场,把中国直接排在了States planning to not recognise Kosovo上。但是我相信以政府的外交手法,咱们没必要去当出头鸟。塞尔维亚自己都还没说什么呢,何必。政治嘛,玲珑很重要。是明智的态度,唯一值得担心的是将来若是台湾真的搞起来了,国际舆论会否出现当初科索沃怎样怎样你中国怎样怎样,但是个人认为不足虑。塞尔维亚本身急着加入欧盟,而欧盟恨不得马上把南联盟留下的破房子拆的更烂,塞尔维亚眼前只有两条路可选,选择欧盟放弃科索沃,or vice versa。

国际舞台,说话大声与否是国力决定的,台湾方面,全中国十几亿人不说全部但相信绝大多数是有绝对的决心要取回台湾的,外界的干扰再大也要做的事情。取回台湾,也许需要付出沉重代价,但是失去台湾,很可能是国破家亡的局面。而且科索沃与台湾问题有本质区别,不赘述。

拭目以待吧,看看事情的走向。3,22已经很近,8.8也已经很近。2008将会是中国历史上重要的一年。希望伟大的祖国能够顺顺利利地走过着风雨交加的一年吧。

科索沃独立历史和政治(from wiki)

Historical background (History of Kosovo
 
Location of Kosovo in EuropeKosovo, which for some time was a territory of the medieval Serbian state, was conquered by the Ottoman Empire following Serbia’s defeat in the 1389 Battle of Kosovo. Over the following five hundred years it gained a very mixed population that included Albanian, Slavic and Turkish Muslims living alongside the Christian Montenegrins, Roma and Serbs. The loss of Kosovo became a major theme in Serbian national iconography and its recovery became a key goal following Serbia’s formal independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1878. Serbia regained control of Kosovo in the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913. By this time, however, Serbs had become a minority in Kosovo, with Albanians now comprising the majority of the population. The restoration of Serbian rule was opposed by many Kosovo Albanians. Serbia lost control of the territory in both of the World Wars, during which many Kosovo Serbs were expelled by armed Albanian groups. Serbian control was nonetheless re-established at the end of the two wars.

When the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was established after 1945, with Serbia as one of its six constituent republics, Kosovo was made an autonomous province of Serbia rather than a republic in its own right. The extent of its autonomy varied considerably under the communist Yugoslav system; from 1974 to 1989 it enjoyed very extensive rights of self-government, along with Serbia’s northern province of Vojvodina, which gave it a status on the collective Presidency of the SFRY that was virtually equivalent to a full republic. The autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina was drastically reduced in 1989 by the government of the Serbian President Slobodan Milošević. Self-government by the province’s Albanian majority—now estimated to constitute 90% of Kosovo’s population—was ended. In response, the Albanian members of the Kosovo Assembly voted on 2 July 1990 to declare Kosovo an independent state, though this was only recognised by Albania. A state of emergency and harsh new security rules were subsequently imposed by Serbia following mass protests by Kosovo’s Albanians. The Albanians established an unofficial "parallel state" to provide education and social services while boycotting or being excluded from Serbian-run government institutions.

Kosovo remained largely peaceful through the Yugoslav wars of the early 1990s, although the severity of the Serbian regime in Kosovo was widely criticised by the international community and human rights groups. In 1996, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) began attacking Serbian security forces and civilians whom it regarded as "collaborators". The conflict between Serbian and Yugoslav security forces and the KLA insurgents escalated until Kosovo was on the verge of all-out war by the end of 1998. In January 1999, NATO warned the Yugoslav government that it would intervene militarily if Yugoslavia did not agree to the introduction of an international peacekeeping force and the establishment of a democratic government in Kosovo. Subsequent peace talks failed and from March 24 to June 11, 1999, NATO carried out an extensive bombing campaign against targets in Serbia and Montenegro, including in Kosovo itself. The war ended with Milošević agreeing to allow peacekeepers into Kosovo and hand over its governance to the United Nations.

Political background (Kosovo status process
 
Ethnic composition of Kosovo as of 2005After the end of the Kosovo War in 1999, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1244 to provide a framework for Kosovo’s interim status. It placed Kosovo under transitional UN administration, demanded a withdrawal of Serbian security forces from Kosovo and envisioned an eventual UN-facilitated political process to determine Kosovo’s status (i.e., whether it would become independent or remain part of Serbia). The resolution also explicitly upheld the existing sovereignty of Yugoslavia, of which Serbia is the legal successor, over Kosovo, "reaffirming the commitment of all Member States to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the other States of the region, as set out in the Helsinki Final Act and annex 2 [referring to status principles agreed at the end of the war]." It also established a requirement that the post-conflict constitutional process must take full account of "the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia".

In February 2007, Martti Ahtisaari delivered a draft status settlement proposal to leaders in Belgrade and Pristina, the basis for a draft UN Security Council Resolution which proposed ‘supervised independence’ for the province. By early July 2007 a draft resolution, backed by the United States and the European Union members of the Security Council, had been rewritten four times to try to accommodate Russian concerns that such a resolution would undermine the principle of state sovereignty. However, it had still not found agreement.[6] Russia, which holds a veto in the Security Council as one of five permanent members, stated that it would not support any resolution which was not acceptable to both Serbia and the Kosovo Albanians.[7] While most observers had, at the beginning of the talks, anticipated independence as the most likely outcome, others suggested that a rapid resolution might not be preferable.[8]

The talks finally broke down in late 2007 with the two sides remaining far apart, with the minimum demands of each side being more than the other was willing to accept.

Rambo 4

 
期待已久的Rambo 4,今天终于忍不住挑了个比较清楚的枪版,结论是,rambo老矣,但尚能饭啊。
此片绝对Rated R,血腥程度比起以往的Rambo简直就是大大超出,一刀断头,开肠破杜,腐烂尸体,重机枪打烂身体,狙击爆头。。。数不胜数。
影片刚开始的那个部分比较让人作恶,宣传米国所谓的“人道”,一群除了用sb两个字再也找不到别的合适的词来形容的用电影里缅甸人嘴里的话来说叫白鬼的人的sb样子实在让人作恶。一口一个this is our choice and life.然后是I AM GONNA REPORT THIS…最后得到什么了?是造了更大的杀孽。
在士兵的眼里,That’s fucking noble,嘿。
不过倒是很想有一把Rambo那把刀,看过去在丛林里很实用的样子,比lord of war里那个黑人总统儿子想要的那把兰博之枪来得现实一些,哈。